Introduction to Brass Bands in and Around Manchester pre-1914

phot7366 (3).jpg
The 4th Lancashire RVC 1859 (Bacup) Volunteer Regiment Band, most likely taken in in 1863. (Permission from Gavin Holman,


The Historical Background to Brass Bands and Music-Making in Manchester During World War One

By Dr Stephen Etheridge, GLCM, MA, PhD

During the First World War brass bands were an essential part of music-making in Manchester. Local bands were important to elements of life on the home front such as fund raising, entertainment, boosting morale and supporting the troops, not only in Manchester, but also nationally. Indeed, a study of bands in Manchester reflects many of the experiences of bandsmen throughout the country. The majority of brass band work took place in Manchester’s public parks, together with concerts, contests and events in the industrial towns and villages that surrounding the city, such as the Rossendale Valley, for example.[1] In addition, whilst the National Brass Band Contest was cancelled, the Belle Vue Open Championships struggled on. These contests kept the long-established traditions of the movement going. Writing in September 1914 ‘Pluto’, the Manchester and Region correspondent for the Brass Band News, stated that ‘some of our bands have been hard hit by mobilisation, but those of us staying at home will have to see to it that the ball is kept rolling […..] In fact we must.’[2]

With such a visible role in Manchester’s musical life it is important to understand how brass bands came to have that role. The purpose of this introductory blog is to provide a background to how brass bands developed and came to be part of Manchester’s musical life long before 1914. Manchester was a city that attracted performers from all over the North, many came to compete in musical contests at Belle Vue. These performers were largely working-class amateurs who played in an eclectic group of ensembles from choirs to accordion bands and hand-bell ringing groups, and, of course, brass bands. Moreover, the region’s population were regarded as being highly musical since at least the late eighteenth century. This musicianship provided an environment where brass bands could flourish. By the late nineteenth century external observers had noticed  how bands were present at any number of community events. In April 1892, the Magazine of Music illustrated the eclectic range of events bands took part in writing:

There is scarcely a public function of any kind at which there is not a band to dispense sweet harmonies. As one looks through the record of a month’s work, one sees social gatherings of all kinds-teas, suppers, dances, cricket or football matches, presentations, festivals, demonstrations, camp meetings and anniversaries. It would seem as if nothing human were complete without a band, for this week, a band has to play at a marriage and a funeral.

In this blog I will sketch out the development of brass instruments, the growth of brass bands and the importance of Northern bands. In this way this post serves as a foundation to the history of brass bands in Manchester in the First World War.

The Development of Brass Instruments

The organology of brass instruments is too lengthy for this blog. Briefly, however, bands emerged from the 1820s from a mix of woodwind and brass instruments, influenced by military bands, through a number of phases, to, by the 1870s, the standard band instrumentation seen today. Key stages were the invention of the keyed bugle (1820s); the invention of the piston valve (invented no later than 1814 and was developed through 1827-1850). The development of the saxhorn, invented by Adolph Sax in the 1840s and 1850s, was also significant. The saxhorn was later promoted by the Distin Family whose popular concerts showed it to be a melodious instrument. Key texts for the development of brass bands are Trevor Herbert, (ed.) The British Brass Band: A Musical and Social History (Oxford, 2000); E. Mitroulia, ‘Adolphe Sax’s Brasswind Production With a Focus on Saxhorns and Related Instruments’ (unpub. Ph.D. Thesis, Edinburgh Univ. 2011) and Arnold Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’, in, Herbert, (ed.) The British Brass Band, pp.155-186. A longer piece about the early development of brass bands can be found here.

Funding Brass Bands and the 1859 Volunteer Movement

The 1859 volunteer force began in response to a circular letter sent in May 1859 from the Secretary of State for War to the Lord Lieutenants of all counties in response to a perceived military threat from France.[3] By the 1870s it was estimated that the volunteer movement involved eight-per cent of the male population.[4] The volunteers were joined with the formal military by the War Office, but their regular displays of ill-disciplined and amateurish behaviour were the cause of some concern. The force, however, attracted much popular admiration, mainly because it was viewed as a ‘rational recreation’; it was never called into action but its activities were ubiquitous throughout the South Pennines and Manchester region.[5]

The main beneficiaries of the movement were many amateur brass bands, which had already been formed and volunteered en bloc motivated by practical and self-interested reasons.[6] Bands were seen as desirable, and, for many, an essential part of the volunteer movement. At annual reviews, and other special events, they afforded a sense of occasion together with a practical use at drills.[7]

From the 1860s contest reports confirm the number of bands which carried the name of volunteer corps.[8] Many of the volunteer bands from the West Riding of Yorkshire, for example, began life as amateur brass bands. Thus Bramley Band combined their contesting and concert activities in the 1860s and 1870s by providing music at volunteer functions under the title of the Prince of Wale’s Own Yorkshire Hussars Regimental Band.[9] Likewise, in the 1870s, Bowling Green Brass Band became the Third West Yorkshire Artillery Volunteers Band and Eccleshill Band became the Eccleshill Rifles.[10]

Apart from volunteer bands started from scratch, the performance standard of the volunteer band relied upon the instrumental skill of its fore-runner, but whatever the instrumental ability there was opportunity for improvement.[11] This was due to the funding available for these bands, for the purchase and repair of instruments, the purchase of music and uniforms and, in addition, rehearsal spaces were readily available in the form of drill halls. It also became possible to appoint an experienced conductor.[12] The government did not make provision for the funding of bands through the War Office. It was obvious, however, that moneys paid in the ‘capitation grant’, the official mechanism for government funding, were being appropriated to pay for bands, and the issue of volunteer banding soon became controversial.[13]

In 1862, a Royal Commission which had been established to ‘enquire into the condition of the volunteer force in Britain’ submitted its report and the cost of bands was one of its chief concerns.[14] In questioning Viscount Enfield, a former, subsequently, honorary, Colonel of a former (unnamed) volunteer battalion, the commissioners highlighted that ‘the volunteer principle in organisation is this, that so long as they provide for their own expenditure they are entitled to exercise the most discretion as to [how the money is spent].’[15] Enfield, however, while largely accepting that point, evidently spoke from bitter experience that the main drain upon his regimental fund had been the band – or rather, two bands, since despite his best efforts ‘to induce them to be content with one band [… they] would say that unless they had the advantage of two bands to accompany them when they marched out the regiment would probably not attend.’[16] When Captain Alexander Ewens, adjutant of the City of London Rifle Brigade, was examined he made known to the commissioners that the band cost £600 a year, a fact ‘which has lately come to the knowledge of the public through the newspapers.’[17] The evidence of other officers revealed that the more typical cost of a band ranged between around £100 and £300 a year, with the very modest bands costing about £60 a year. Significantly, the testimonies show that the costs were borne not only at the insistence of the officers but also the men.[18]

Financial scrutiny of bands’ expenses continued in 1878, when Lord Bury chaired a Departmental Committee Report on the Volunteer Force of Great Britain.[19] All volunteer corps in the country were supplied with a questionnaire and asked to supply details of their expenditure from 1873 to 1877 under various headings. Of the 278 returned questionnaires only a handful admitted that they supported bands, though there was at this time no formal device to fund bands from volunteer finances.[20] As Herbert has written, ‘it was in the interests of the respondents to understate their expenditure on bands, and it is certain that estimates under this heading were artificially low.’[21] As with the 1862 Royal Commission the Bury Report revealed that the support of the band was a major financial burden. Lieutenant Colonel J. A. Thompson of the 1st Fifeshire Light Horse VC was challenged that ‘Your band cost you 10s. a man: that is a heavy item to come out of the capitation grant: it was £62 last year for 119 men-that takes up the whole equipment fund […] it runs away with your capitation money.’ To this, Thompson replied: ‘Yes it does.’[22] Captain and Adjutant Ball of the 1st Middlesex Engineer Volunteer Corps admitted to average annual expenses of £280 on the band. When asked for details of these expenses, Ball replied:

[…] we pay a bandmaster. That expenditure will be lower in the future. We have a new system. We give the bandmaster £12 a year and he provides instruments, clothing and everything for the band. We enrol any men he likes and we give him the capitation grant for those men. If he has 30 men he can draw the capitation allowance.[23]


Major Sloan of the 4th Lancashire RVC declared an expenditure of £105, and further pleaded that the band ‘should be exempt from firing as the buglers are. Their attendance as bandsmen qualifies them for efficiency as far as drill is concerned.’ He recommended no substitute duties: ‘We have as good a band as we can get […] but they look upon firing as a heavy task […] to keep up a good band is one of our difficulties and a good band is necessary in order to get recruits.’[24]

It was clear that many saw a good band being of value to the corps. Nevertheless, issues of funding and discipline remained a matter of contention. Ralph H. Knox, deputy accountant general at the War Office, who was also lieutenant in the 2nd Middlesex RVC, cited bands, together with extra pay to permanent staff, and county associations, as one of the principal causes for excess expenditure on volunteer corps.[25] J.R.A. MacDonnal, the editor of the Volunteer Services Gazette, argued that the cost of bands should be borne solely by commanding officers.[26] Lord Bury concluded: ‘No allowance for bands is made in the disembodied period for any branch of the auxiliary forces, any expense under this head being defrayed by private subscription. The Committee can not advocate any allowance under this head.’[27] In 1887 the Harris Departmental Committee was sympathetic to the problems of recruiting officers because of the costs incurred by ‘balls, bands refreshments and so on’, and noting the recent changes in the funding of regular army bands, recommended that 7.5 per cent of the capitation grant be made for the funding of bands.[28]

Russell suggests that some bandsmen would have enjoyed the extra recreational activities offered by the volunteers, such as the opportunity to go on annual camps and, most notably, rifle-shooting.[29] Newsome noted that the number of concerts and engagements increased as a result of being in a volunteer band.[30] This extra exposure and display most likely meant that bands benefited from the respectable and patriotic associations of volunteering.[31]

The movement had its most potent influence on the material needs of banding. Many bands that were not formed by the volunteers were saved or revitalised by it. The Bacup Band, after breakdown and amalgamation, were reconstituted in 1859 as the 4th Lancashire Rifle Volunteers. The Oldham Band, formed in 1865, became the Oldham Rifles in 1871.[32]It is in this revitalising light that volunteer bands should be viewed. Michael J. Lomas has suggested that volunteer bandsmen were using the bands to create amusement for themselves over any respectable and patriotic associations of playing in a volunteer band. [33] It was noted that volunteer bandsmen had problems adhering to standards of discipline expected in the military. In 1868 ‘A Commissioned Officer of Volunteers’ wrote to the Volunteer Service Gazette, claiming the behaviour of volunteer bandsmen brought the force into disrepute. He complained that bandsmen were ‘notorious for straggling away from their corps and, feeling themselves under no sort of constraint and acknowledging no authority whatever’.[34] The same correspondent claimed he had seen bandsmen on a train who were too drunk to stand; challenging other passengers to a fight; trying to avoid paying the fare and swearing in the company of women.[35]

In this light it can be argued that volunteer bands had used the movement for their own practical and convenient advantage, a secure way of obtaining funds and stabilising the band, disregarding, mocking and even usurping authority because of their own self-interest.[36] The rational recreation ethos in the 1859 Volunteer Movement created an arena where bands could prosper and working-class bandsmen exploited this situation to advance their own music-making.


Fundraising, Subscriptions and Contest Prizes

Although the cost of instruments, music, uniforms, trainers and conductors, may have been met by the main sources of funding from the 1859 Volunteer Movement, the industrialists or public subscriptions, it is worth noting that this support may not have supported many bands’ day-to-day expenditures. In addition the main funding was often in the form of an unsecured loan or guarantee and fully-funded support could not be assured. Indeed, as Herbert has argued, ‘a number of bands were the recipients of direct patronage by industrial entrepreneurs, but it is doubtful that this type of practice was extensive.’[37] In 1886, for example, the Cleckheaton Christian Brethren Brass Band Committee voted ‘that we accept Mr Spencer’s offer to lend the money for the purchase of the instruments required, and that we guarantee to him the instruments as security until the money can be refunded.’ [38] In 1888 the band had still not repaid the money and had written to Mr Spencer to ‘give best thanks to Mr Spencer for his offer to allow the 6 months for the repayment of his loan.’[39] Thus bands came with a wide range of expenses that needed to be serviced to sustain the band. Helmshore Brass Band’s 1907 Ledger Book, for example, is indicative of expenses incurred by bands.[40] From the 28 February to the 30 March 1907 their total expenditure was £11. 30s. ½ d.[41] These expenses included 6s. ½ d spent on bandroom window cleaning. Candles for lighting cost 5s; postage stamps cost 2s. 6d. and 1s. 8d. was spent on instrument polish. A subscription to the Cornet, together with memos and receipts (stationary), cost £1.5s. &7d.[42]

Towards the end of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, bands had to rely upon a number of entrepreneurial schemes and subscriptions for funding.[43]

Helmshore Prize  Band, c.1906 (Rossendale Valley) Permission  from Gavin Holman.

These included chocolate clubs, bazaars and fairs,[44] knife and fork teas and meat suppers.[45] In 1895, for example, Helmshore Brass Band’s Committee voted on the 23 February that they should hold a tea-party and entertainment together with a meat tea, consisting of beef and ham, to raise funds.[46] In addition to public subscriptions, subscriptions came from bandsmen. As early as 1842, W.L Mariner’s Band was imposing monthly subscriptions on its members.[47] Concerts were an important method of fundraising and could support and add to bandsmens’ subscriptions. From January to July 1907 Helmshore Band raised a total of £18.16s. and only £1. 5s. from subscriptions.[48] Bands also had to raise funds for competition entry fees. On the 7 March, 1907, Helmshore Band’s Committee voted ‘that band play round the village on March 23rd, and collect en-route proceeds towards contest expenses.’[49] For the ‘crack’ bands contests could provide a lucrative income. Besses o’ th’ Barn and Black Dyke measured their winning in hundreds of pounds and more. In their first thirty years of contesting Besses won prizes to the value of £3,359.17s.[50] Prize money varied from contest to contest, dependent on size and status. Contests at Clitheroe, Middleton and Rochdale were worth between £5 and £7; larger ones were worth more.[51] In the 1870s Belle Vue paid about £35 plus benefits to the winners. When Kingston Mills Band won the 1887 Belle Vue Contest they received a cash prize of £30, a euphonium valued at £30 and the individual band members won gold medals to the value of £78.15s.[52] Thus, even though funds were available for larger items, such as instruments and uniforms, bands had to be self-reliant when it came to raising money to repay unsecured loans and guarantees together with assorted day-to-day expenses.


 What is significant is that contemporary manufacturing methods, that were common in the production of common household items, were used in instrument production; resulting in brass instruments becoming affordable, durable and long-lasting. From the late 1850s the cost of musical instruments began to fall. This was partly due to the removal of protective tariffs through such measures as the Cobden-Chevalier treaty, and partly to increased trade volume and increased levels of competition amongst domestic manufacturers.[53] Cyril Ehrlrich has shown how the price of woodwind and string instruments fell in the second half of the nineteenth-century and a similar picture is reflected for the sale of brass instruments. Dave Russell noted that brass bands were using hire purchase agreements as early as 1855, and that this credit may well have been available earlier.[54] This hire-purchase formed only part of a complex system of cash, cheques, deferred payments and discounted offers. In 1895 Algernon Rose stated that ‘the credit system has become the very basis of brass bands. Given a body of steady, industrious young men, the acquirement of a set of first-class instruments is by no means difficult.’[55] Together with the trade in new instruments there was also the availability of second-hand instruments. It is reasonable to say there must have also been a huge market for second-hand instruments as many bands started up and then folded within a few years, and, given the durability of even the cheaper instruments, it is possible many of them stayed in circulation.[56]

In the second half of the nineteenth century most of the instruments for brass bands were made by the larger manufacturers – those that were capable of mass production, such as Boosey, Hawkes, Besson and Higham. Imports of cheap models still continued but included some good quality models such as the Viennese instruments used by the Cyfarthfa Band, together with the Courtois instruments imported by S.A. Chappell.[57] Makers had a vested interest in promoting their instruments by giving them as contest prizes.[58]In August 1868, for example, Todmorden Old Brass Band, from the West Riding of Yorkshire, hosted a contest including a euphonium solo contest in which six players took part. R. Marsden, of Bacup, won the contest and was presented with a euphonium. There was also a solo tenor horn contest and a solo cornet contest where a tenor horn and cornet were prizes.[59] In 1870 the Preston Guardian was listing the players that would enter the cornet and euphonium contest at the Preston Brass Band Contest that was to be held on the 30 July.[60] By the 1890s manufacturers filled the market with ephemera such as band lamps for dark nights, oils to lubricate slides and valves, music stands and other goods on a scale that that had not been known before.[61] Local music retailers became abundant. In 1894 a relatively small community, such as Sowerby Bridge (pop. 7092 in 1891), possessed two such dealerships while Bradford had no fewer than 46.[62] In addition to technical innovations a combination of promotion techniques, cash and credit methods of payment, affordability and durability of brass instruments all helped standardise the brass band.

Useful evidence survives of the numbers and kinds of instruments being used by the leading bands in the 1860s. Over eighty contest forms are preserved in the Enderby Jackson papers that are currently in the care of Arnold Myers. As Myers argues, ‘since only bands reasonably certain of their balance of instruments would enter a contest at the national level, we can assume that the instrumentation of these bands represents the “state of the art” at that time.’[63] The thirty-four surviving Crystal Palace Contest forms show that the average band of eighteen players contained the following:

1-2 sopranos, mostly in D-flat, but also in E-flat

5 cornets, mostly in A-flat, but also in B-flat

0-1 alto saxhorns in A-flat

2-3 tenor saxhorns (or alt-horns), mostly in D-flat, but also in E-flat

1-2 baritones, mostly in A-flat, but also in B-flat

1 tenor trombone, mostly in C, but also in B-flat

1 bass trombone, mostly in G

1-2 ophicleides, mostly in C, but also in B-flat

1 Sax bass or euphonium, mostly in B-flat or A-flat, but also in C

1 contrabass saxhorns or bombardons, mostly in E-flat, but also in D-flat[64]


After the last of Enderby Jackson’s Grand National Crystal Palace Contests, in 1863, the annual contest at Belle Vue, in Manchester became the most influential and prestigious. In 1873 there was an incident where a Black Dyke euphonium player played trombone solos on a valve trombone, and, as a result, the contest rules were tightened to avoid this. Present day band instrumentation can said to have moved towards standardisation from this date.[65] It did, however, take some time for the rules of other contests to follow, and, as Arnold Myers points out, the instrumentation of non-contesting bands was never standardised and ‘we can safely assume that some small village bands carried on using valve trombones, clarinets and […] ophicleides throughout the century.’[66]

Nevertheless, by the 1870s, bandsmen had benefited from the technical, manufacturing and retail changes that resulted in brass instruments becoming popular, affordable and durable. The move to a standardised instrumentation had begun and this gave brass bands a secure starting point to create a hobby that became central to brass band life in Manchester.

 A Dense Network of Brass Bands Surrounding Manchester

It is important to note that brass bands were a national movement, yet the areas surrounding Manchester were where they thrived. In 1903, the band commentator ‘Shoddythorpe’ estimated that there were at least 240 bands in West Yorkshire alone.[67] On the Southern Pennines’ Lancashire side the brass band historian Arthur Taylor illustrated the density of brass bands in this period by saying the whole area of Saddleworth ‘could almost be designated a national park for brass bands, with Dobcross as the centrepiece. ’[68] In 1914, the British Bandsman reflected that, ‘it could not be denied that the cradle of the brass band was on the slopes of the Pennine Chain.’[69] Moreover, the concentration of bands in the Southern Pennines was outside the main metropolitan areas. They could be found residing on the fringes of cities: Besses o’ th’ Barn outside Manchester, and Leeds Forge Band, at Kirkstall, on the outskirts of Leeds, for example. There were few dedicated ‘city’ bands.[70] Brass bands thrived in smaller manufacturing towns in northern valleys. Writing in 1903, the correspondent ‘Yorkshireite’ highlighted this in the brass band periodical, the Cornet:

It seems strange, though nevertheless true, that the best bands are not to be found in the large towns. Look, for instance, at Leeds and Bradford, where they have such a lot of bands and where one would think that the most popular bands would draw the best players from the other bands and thus build up a crack band. [71]

The area lies between the great conurbations of Lancashire and Greater Manchester and West Yorkshire. Manchester attracted many of the regional bands to play in the parks, and, of course, compete in the Belle Vue Contests. Large numbers of people travelled from their towns and villages by train to support their bands. By 1850 Wales, Scotland, the north, the midlands, and the east of England, Devon and Cornwall, together with the south coast of England were all linked by rail with London.[72] A fully-formed railway network helped the brass band movement grow and become popular. The railways brought large numbers of working-class people together, magnifying the rituals, habits and customs of the working class audiences. Rail travel gave thousands of band supporters’ mobility within the north and beyond. A clear example of this mobility was when a large proportion of east Lancashire’s Rossendale Valley travelled to the 1857 Belle Vue Contest to support Bacup Band. The trains stopped at each station along the Rossendale Valley and took on significant numbers of passengers. Isaac Leach wrote:

The excitement of the neighbourhood was intense, and for days before the contest the fate of the band at Belle Vue was almost the sole topic of conversation. The practice of the band in the mill yard at Broudclough, on the Sunday previous to the fateful day, was attended by thousands of persons. On the morning of the contest, the Belle Vue excursions from Bacup were packed with people, and most of the mills were obliged to stop. Two special trains were run, the local bookings being as follows: Bacup 1093, Stacksteads 200, Newchurch 519, and Rawtenstall 323.[73]

Hugh Cunningham argues that ‘brass band contests […] were possible only because of cheap rail fares; by 1888 there were 50 excursion trains for the Belle Vue contest in Manchester.’ [74] What was significant was that these ‘sprees’ brought not only musical groups together at places like Belle Vue, but also their many followers that came with them increased the attention the groups got in the press.

 As such brass band music-making in Manchester made a significant contribution to a cross-class selection of audiences in a city where musical performance of all kinds was an important part of leisure and cultural life at the start of World War One.



[1] The east Lancashire town of Bacup, for example, is typical of the number of musical groups that could coexist in a small area. From 1840 onwards the town had a brass band, a choral society, a hand-bell ringing group and an orchestral society. In addition Bacup was the headquarters of the Rossendale Branch of the Lancashire Association of Campanologists. It should be noted that influential historians have turned to Manchester and the surrounding region to define and understand notions of class in the ‘classic’ period of formation. Patrick Joyce, for example, was emphatic that that ‘the manufacturing districts of Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire were the cradle of factory production, and it [was] to them that posterity […] looked in seeking to discern the nature of the class structure to which the new system of manufacture gave rise’; Work, Society and Politics: The Culture of the Factory in Later Victorian England (London: Methuen, 1982), xiii.


[2] Pluto, ‘Manchester and District’ Brass Band News (1 September, 1914), p. 4.

[3] Trevor Herbert and Helen Barlow, ‘The British Military as a Musical Institution’ in Paul Rodmell (Ed.), Music in Nineteenth-Century Britain: Music and Institutions in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Abingdon, 2012), p. 252.

[4] Dave Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914: A Study of the Relationships Between Music and Society (PhD Thesis, University of York, 1979), p. 251.

[5] Herbert and Barlow, ‘The British Military as a Musical Institution’, p. 252.

[6] Herbert and Barlow, ‘The British Military as a Musical Institution’, p. 252.

[7] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 37.

[8] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p, 36.

[9] Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914, p. 252.

[10] Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914, p. 252.

[11] Roy Newsome, The Nineteenth Century Brass Band in Northern England, Musical and Social Factors in the Development of A Major Amateur Musical Medium (PhD Thesis, Salford University, 1990), p. 124.

[12] Newsome, The Nineteenth Century Brass Band in Northern England, p. 125.

[13] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement, p. 37.

[14] Herbert and Barlow, ‘The British Military as a Musical Institution’, p. 252.

[15] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, ‘Report of the Commissioners Appointed to Inquire into the Condition of the Volunteer Force in Great Britain’, 1862 [3053] paragraphs 761-769, cited in, Herbert and Barlow, ‘The British Military as a Musical Institution’, p. 253.

[16] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, p. 253.

[17] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, 1364-1382.

[18] Herbert and Barlow, ‘The British Military as a Musical Institution’, p. 253.

[19] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, 1878-1879 ‘Report of the Bury Departmental Committee’ [c.2235] l xv.181, cited in, Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 40.

[20] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 40.

[21] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 40.

[22] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, 1878-1879, 1216 ff, cited in, Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 40.

[23] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, 1878-1879, 1216 ff, cited in, Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 40.

[24] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, 1878-1879, 2550, cited in, Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 40.

[25] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 42.

[26] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 42.

[27] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers,1878-1879, ‘Bury Report’, p. xviii, cited in Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 42.

[28] House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, 1887, ‘Report of the Volunteer Capitation Committee’ [c.4951] xvi. 271, cited in, Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 42.

[29] Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914, p. 252.

[30] Newsome, The Nineteenth Century Brass Band in Northern England, p. 124.

[31] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 42.

[32] Arthur Taylor, Brass Bands (St Albans and London, 1979), p. 50.

[33] Michael. J. Lomas, Amateur Brass and Wind Bands in Southern England Between the Late Eighteenth Century and circa 1900 (PhD Thesis, The Open University, 1990), p. 73.

[34] Volunteer Service Gazette (25 July, 1868), cited in, Lomas, Amateur Brass and Wind Bands in Southern England, p. 572.

[35] Volunteer Service Gazette (25 July, 1868).

[36] In its most elaborate form the notion of music as a rational recreation was developed by the High Church Theologian Hugh Reginald Haweis. His influential book, Music and Morals, was published in 1871 and by 1903 it had reached its twentieth edition. It became an important text for individuals who were interested in the relationship between music and social reform, being widely read in socialist circles; Chris Waters, British Socialists and the Politics of Popular Culture, 1884–1914 (Stanford, 1990), p. 98.

[37] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 46.

[38] Minute Book of The Christian Brethren Brass Band, Cleckheaton (West Yorkshire Archive Service, Calderdale), Catalogue Ref, K131 (24 February, 1886)

[39] Minute Book of The Christian Brethren Brass Band, (23 January, 1888)

[40]See also, for example, the Minute Book of The Christian Brethren Brass Band, Cleckheaton and Todmorden Old Brass Band Ledger Books, 1900-1910, owned by Todmorden Community Brass Band, Todmorden, West Yorkshire.

[41] Helmshore Brass Band Ledger Books, 28 February to 30 March, 1907 (n.p), Accrington Local Studies Library.

[42] Helmshore Brass Band Ledger Books.

[43] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 46.

[44] See, Stephen Etheridge, ‘Slate-Grey Rain and Polished Euphoniums’: Southern Pennine Brass Bands, the Working Class and the North, 1840-1914 (PhD Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015) Chapter 5.

[45] See the, for example, Minute Book of The Christian Brethren Brass Band, Cleckheaton, 28 January 1889 and 29 December 1890.

[46]Helmshore Brass Band Minute Book,16 January, 1895, (n.p.) Accrington Local Studies Library.

[47] W. L. Marriner’s Camiando Band Minute Book (n.p.) University of Leeds Brotherton Library, cited in , Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’, p. 46.

[48] Helmshore Brass Band Leger Books, 1 January-July 13.

[49]Helmshore Brass Band Minute Book, 13 March, 1907.

[50] J. N. Hampson, Besses o’ th’ Barn Band: Its Origin History and Achievements (Northampton, c.1893), p. 70.

[51] Herbert, ‘Making a Movement’ p. 47.

[52]J . N. Hampson, Besses o’ th’ Barn Band, p. 117.

[53] Trevor Herbert, ‘Making A Movement’, in Trevor. Herbert, (ed.) The British Brass Band: A Musical and Social History (Oxford, 2000) p. 43.

[54] David Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914: A Study of the Relationships between Music and Society (PhD Thesis, University of York, 1979), p. 38.

[55] Rose, Talks With Bandsmen, p. 305.

[56]Herbert, ‘Making A Movement’, p. 43.

[57] Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’, p. 176.

[58] Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’, p. 176

[59] Huddersfield and West Yorkshire Advertiser (8 August, 1868).

[60] Preston Guardian (30 July, 1870).

[61] Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914, p. 138.

[62] Russell, The Popular Music Societies of the Yorkshire Textile District, 1850-1914, p. 138.

[63] Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’ p. 171.

[64] Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’ p. 172.

[65] Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’ p. 173.

[66] Myers, ‘Instruments and Instrumentation of British Brass Bands’ p. 173.

[67] British Bandsman, XVI/64 (23 May, 1903), p. 264.

[68] Arthur R. Taylor, Brass Bands (St Albans and London, 1979), p. 211.

[69] British Bandsman (18 April, 1914), p. 349.

[70] Bradford City Band and Leeds Model Band are the exceptions.

[71] Cornet (14 March, 1903), p. 4. When ‘Yorkshireite’ referred to the lots of bands in Leeds and Bradford he was referring to the bands that were close to the city such as Horsforth, Rawdon and Shipley, for example.)

[72] Charles Moore, The Industrial Age: Economy and Society in Britain, 1750-1995 (London, 1997), p. 419.

[73] Duncan Bythell, Water, A Village Band 1866-1991 (Water Band, Rossendale, Lancashire, 1991), pp. 6-7.

[74] Hugh Cunningham, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution, (London, 1980), p.159.



Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in: Logo

You are commenting using your account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s